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Seven colleges, one crisis: Dhaka University’s affiliation nightmare

Seven colleges, one crisis: Dhaka University’s affiliation nightmare

Students of the seven government colleges affiliated to the University of Dhaka protested recently, demanding solutions to problems that should not have existed in the first place. PHOTO: STEA

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Students of the seven government colleges affiliated to the University of Dhaka protested recently, demanding solutions to problems that should not have existed in the first place. PHOTO: STEA

The ongoing student demand the decoupling of seven government colleges in Dhaka from the country’s premier university is a by-product of an ill-conceived and hasty decision. When these colleges were integrated with Dhaka University in 2017, following the directive of the then Prime Minister, ostensibly to improve their academic standards, no one was sane enough to point out the impracticality of the move. The DU did not have the logistical resources to handle the additional close-quarters workload two lakh of undergraduate and graduate students who were taught by teachers recruited through the Public Service Commission (PSC) – many of whom also teach upper secondary courses. Seven years later, the problem persists.

It has thus become a classic case of neglect where the students of these seven colleges face an identity crisis. They experience a sense of betrayal as the promised academic environment seems to be absent. Whoever ordered the affiliation may have had noble intentions. However, in reality, it turned out to be a capricious decision with long-lasting repercussions, jeopardizing the future of thousands of students.

Disappointed students are now calling for the creation of a “Central University of Dhaka” comprising the seven colleges. While this demand stems in part from poor management, it also reflects the need for a distinct academic identity, dedicated resources and a community they can truly call their own. The current situation has left students in limbo as they are neither fully recognized as part of DU nor as independent institutions. During the last convocation, DU asked its affiliated graduate students to watch the event online from their respective colleges but did not formally recognize its high achievers. The current system treats faculty, students and college staff as extras rather than integral members of the DU community. After the recent ranking debacle, DU blamed its affiliated students for the negative impact on faculty-student ratios, Ph.D., and publications.

Unlike public university teaching staff, college teaching staff are subject to CSP service rules, which do not require research degrees or additional publications, except for centralized promotion exams. The number of doctors in colleges is negligible. In addition, problems such as insufficient classrooms, delayed examination results and inadequate access to resources are prevalent. To make matters worse, a dedicated floor in the DU Registrar’s building is notorious for bureaucratic legacy. Students often feel that they have failed unfairly because the university benefits from examination and re-examination fees.

We need to learn lessons from this top-down approach to enforcing affiliation. Political and bureaucratic decisions often ignore the nuances of educational administration and pedagogy. Once the top wanted it, the embedded structure clashed to compete for the decree-giver’s attention. Internal conflicts within the DU intensified as numerous proposals or demands for reform continued to be overlooked. By then, some administrative staff began to see certain benefits from this affiliation, which in turn slowed down proposals for autonomy within these colleges.

On the contrary, students from these colleges felt unwanted by their fellow DUs. The insignia of the affiliated colleges on the certificates testify to their “second class” status. On the other hand, these students do not want to return to the National University, to which they once belonged. Enrolling in a “university” instead of a “college” has meaning for them. This explains the impossible request for another public university in the capital. Despite the National University’s superior efficiency in managing government colleges, these seven colleges now perceive themselves as unique from the others. If the government accedes to their demands, the recruitment and assimilation of teachers for government colleges is likely to trigger another round of ruptures.

One of the challenging issues concerns evaluation. Students of affiliated colleges take their classroom instruction as one thing, but when they receive grades from some professors at the University of Dhaka, they encounter a different set of expectations. Inconsistent results, along with chronic delays in their publication, further aggravate the situation. Block sessions at colleges require students to complete a four-year degree in six to seven years. And the dropout rate is alarming.

Ironically, the former Education Minister made a political statement in January this year to affiliate more colleges with other divisional public universities rather than learn from past mistakes. Fortunately, that decision stuck. However, the situation has exposed a fundamental flaw in the decision-making process in our education sector. Politicians, driven by short-term gains or symbolic gestures, often impose decisions without understanding the complexities involved. Decisions that should ideally be made through consultation, research, and careful planning instead become tools of political maneuvering, leaving students trapped in a cycle of broken promises and inadequate resources.

For the past seven years, students have been forced to protest in the streets, demanding a solution to problems that should never have existed. In response to these demands, various committees and reform proposals emerged. One possible solution lies in adopting a more humane and structured approach to decoupling. Give these colleges autonomy instead of tying them to an institution that cannot meet their needs. One proposal suggests adopting a university university model analogous to those of Calcutta University or Tribhuvan University. In this model, each college can retain its unique identity while benefiting from a common administrative and academic framework.

Alternatively, a gradual transition to autonomy could give these colleges the time and resources to build their own academic infrastructure and identity. Colleges shouldn’t be targeting middle school students. There should be an independent body to align the teaching materials and lesson plans with the set rules of the University Grants Commission (UGC). An interim committee can oversee focused development in each college, with faculty, facilities, and resources tailored to the specific needs of their students.

Ultimately, this issue highlights the need for change in educational decision-making in Bangladesh. Rather than relying on top-down political mandates, government and educational institutions must prioritize consultation, long-term planning and commitment to student well-being. The future of hundreds of thousands of students should not be subject to the whims of political power play or the limitations of a single university’s administrative capacity.


Dr. Shamsad Mortuza is a professor of English at Dhaka University.


The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author.


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